Dignity Quest
Understanding why the EU's democracy aid is least popular among Arab youth
The EU supports the Arab Spring: Ms Asmaa Mahfouz (Egypt) and Mr Ahmed El Senussi (Libya), receiving the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. Photo by European Parliament via Flickr.
The Arab Spring has worked to re-energise the hope for democratisation in the Middle East and North Africa. In response to the on-going transitions to democracy, the European Commission has launched a new European Union (EU) support programme, which highlighted the support for representative government, human rights, and inclusive economic development in the southern borders of the EU.
The Commission also pledged 1,242 million euros for democracy and human rights support in the MENA region, in addition to the 5,700 million euros provided under the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument for 2011-2013. Interestingly enough, however, the EU support for democracy and human rights is less than popular among the Arab youth.
The Centre for European Studies is the official think tank of the European People’s Party, and has conducted the “Springeneration survey” to search for an answer to the question “what should Europeans do to establish a fruitful partnership with the Arab countries?” The survey was conducted online, with 70,000 participants.
Among the 6 main themes mentioned in the survey, “education” was the most popularly upheld for future cooperation, followed by the issues of “cultural exchange”, “youth empowerment” and “economic incorporation”.
The remaining themes – “democracy support” and “human rights” – were the two least popular among the participants. According to the survey, the participants also thought these two themes were the least likely areas for fruitful cooperation between the EU and the Arab Spring countries. Why are the southern neighbours non-receptive to the EU democracy aid?
The answer to this question was clear to the participants of the inauguration meeting of the survey in the Centre for European Studies in Brussels. The speeches from two activists, Ehab Shalaby (Lecturer at the Modern Academy in Cairo) and Ana El Gomati (Founder/Director of the Sadeq Institute in Tripoli), from Egypt and Libya respectively, emphasized the Arab nations’ right to “self-government”. The authoritarian governments, both Shalaby and El Gomati argued, violated the right of the Arab people to govern themselves. What was unusual, however, was that they equated “democracy” with “dignity” and “honour”.
Democratisation Done Differently
In the European tradition, democracy would be equated with concepts like “equality”, “participation in government affairs”, and “accountability of elected officials”. Although recognising dignity as a central justification for democratic government, Western scholarship and political tradition base the democratic government in legal positivist rules – embodied as “rule of law” – instead of emotional concepts.
In European political history, democracy is more an issue of rights and freedoms, and less a question of “honour or dishonour”. In Western European democracies, liberalism historically preceded democracy. Initially, the liberal agenda constituted the individual as a free agent and rights-bearer, and only then expected the political authority to respect those rights and refrain from breaching them. Modern liberal democracy is the merger of those two concepts meant to protect the rights and freedoms of individuals. For Europeans, consequently, there was nothing dishonourable in a non-democracy other than the violation of inalienable rights.
The Arab Spring, on the other hand, unfolds on an essentially different historical background. The movement cannot be fully understood and interpreted without outlining its inception at this particular point in history. The ongoing transitions to democracy in the Arab Spring countries has been preceded by the 19th and 20th century anti-Imperialist tribal uprisings, decades of attempts at Westernization by post-colonial regimes, and the Arab-Israeli conflict.
More importantly, the Arab Spring has been preceded by a perceived sense of humiliation due to the history of colonisation. This is why the desire for democracy is equated with emotionally charged concepts of “honour” and “dignity”. For that very reason, the Arab youth is working to adopt a democratic form of government while still considering the EU’s “support for democracy” as the least likely area of cooperation.
Towards an Equal Partnership
I do not argue that authoritarian regimes in the Arab Spring countries committed no injustices, or that the Arab youth would prefer those regimes were it not for concepts of honour and dignity. On the contrary, the Arab youth seem to be quite resilient “freedom- and rights-demanders”, as evidenced by their long protests and contributions to the democratic transition through civil society youth organisations.
What I do argue is that the Arab Spring and its relations with the West have more complicated dynamics than to be simply framed as “a new response to a changing neighbourhood”. If the European Commission really wishes to help these emerging democracies, it has to grasp the continuities, as well as the changing patterns, in its neighbourhood. It has to recognize that the credibility of the EU and of its member states is compromised by a history of colonization. More importantly, it has to understand that the engine of change in the Arab Spring countries, the youth, demand to be treated equally in a balanced partnership with European countries.
The transition to democracy in the Arab Spring countries is still fragile and requires effort and patience. But more than anything else, the emerging democracies require a political structure that is inclusive and based on the equality of all social sectors. The EU aid for democracy and human rights can support the civil society and facilitate the institutionalisation of democracy in the Arab Spring countries.
However, the EU and its member states must also listen and respond to the demands of “dignity” and “honour” and evaluate those demands in the broader context of Western-Arab relations. The effectiveness of already pledged aid depends on this more grounded approach.
Moreover, a possible failure in transition and a regression back to authoritarian regimes would lead to turmoil in the EU’s borders, and a potentially significant wave of immigration to European countries. The EU cannot afford either of these possibilities.
If the EU wants to promote genuinely democratic regimes respectful of human rights, they need to better understand the transitions and the demands of the Arab people. They have to grasp that young people from the Arab world, like Shalaby and El Gomati, want dignified, honourable, and cooperative treatment both from their regimes and from the European Union.
